Leader Abdullah Ocalan: About my life in Imrali Island Prison _ 4

I felt from the depths of the need to delve into practical, tangible solutions more, the more I realized the importance of the role played by the terms power and state in Turkish-Kurdish relations, which are among the terms that I explored the most and delved into within Imrali. So I realized the necessity of returning the procedures of the authority and the state in general and their period within the Turkish-Kurdish relations in particular (which extends to almost a thousand years) to the era of the Hittites. And whenever I became certain that there were close geopolitical and geostrategic relations between the cultures of power and the state in Mesopotamia and the countries of Anatolia, I would notice with ease that the separation between the state and power was not a sane or reasonable manner, when projecting that on the Turkish and Kurdish relations. I did not like the terms authority and the state, given their rise to the opposite of the term democracy. The more I see that the complete evacuation of the arena of administration for the forces of power and the state constitutes a grave loss for society, the better the importance of democracy will be realized. However, due to my attention to the obstruction resulting practically from the chaotic denial of power and the state, I realized that the denial of the sharing of power and the state is not in line with historical facts, although I did not prefer that as a solution method. Democratic administration was our primary choice. However, the greater the insistence on denying the cultures of power and the central unitary state throughout history, and the greater the stubbornness in not understanding their aspects that I have the right to socially share, and the more I realized the impossibility of reaching sound practical solutions as a result of these positions; The better I understand the importance of the terms "common power" and "common state".

The importance of local solutions in relation to democracy was better understood

The dense relationships and successive common models have always been seen within the policies and strategies of power and the state in the countries of Anatolia and Mesopotamia throughout the historical context. Similar models were preferred in all the critical stages that Turkish-Kurdish relations went through. This model was tried for the last time in the "National Liberation War". I have dealt with these issues at length in my case. In addition to presenting it in the form of a theoretical model, transforming it into a project for practical solutions was of invaluable value, not only in terms of Turkish-Kurdish relations, but also in terms of resolving similar sterile issues in the Middle East. In particular, it was in harmony to a large extent with historical facts, and included the lowest elements to the goals and ideals of everyone at the level of a practical solution in the face of positivist dogmatism imposed by capitalist modernity. In light of historical developments, my focus on the terms democratic modernity, democratic nation, and quasi-democratic independence had an important impact with regard to power and the state. As for the other historical fact, it was that diagnosis that proves that the central authority is an exceptional reality, while the local authority is the prevailing rule. Accordingly, the more the connections between capitalism and the model of the centralized nation-state are presented as the only absolute model in our time, and the more simply its inner aspect is explained; The importance of local solutions in relation to democracy was better understood.

I had come to a large number of forms of consciousness and conventional and theoretical knowledge

I also reached similar results regarding the relationship between violence and power as well. It was quite clear that it was impossible for our choice to turn into a nation dependent on violence and power. Whereby obtaining social capabilities through violence has nothing to do with socialism, unless it is framed by the requirements of forced self-defense. With the exception of self-defence, all forms of violence had to be applied within the monopolies of power and exploitation. The terminological progress in this direction gave great importance to addressing the issue of peace in a more stable and fortified manner. Accordingly, I would have reached a large number of forms of awareness and terminological and theoretical knowledge, which would paralyze the influence of fabricated banners such as “separatist” or “terrorist”, launched by the elites of power and the state that exert pressure on the Kurds, and even on all segments that are under the clutches of oppression and exploitation. Dialogue with state officials, based on this terminological and theoretical awareness, became more generous and provided the necessary creativity to find ways of a practical solution. And just as it is possible to monitor the matter in the various chapters and volumes of the pleading, the formulation of theoretical and practical solutions became possible with the contribution of the current developments in the field of societal freedom and awareness of the truth in many other fields.

T/  Satt.

ANHA