Stages of developing Kurdish national unity – Akram Barakat
Amid ongoing efforts to unify the Kurdish ranks in Syria and hopes for achieving a long-awaited, genuine unity by the Kurdish people, several attempts emerged to undermine these initiatives or to steer them toward outcomes aligned with the interests of occupying powers. Nevertheless, Kurdish parties and political forces in Rojava have managed to make tangible progress, notably through the formation of a joint delegation tasked with conveying the demands of the Kurdish people to the authorities in Damascus.
The First Initiative
At the onset of the Syrian revolution, the first agreement among Kurdish political parties in Syria was launched through a document entitled The Initiative of the Kurdish National Movement Parties on May 14, 2011. This document outlined a vision to promote national dialogue, secure the release of prisoners of conscience, and put forth demands to abolish discriminatory policies targeting the Kurds, reinstate citizenship for those stripped of it, and convene an inclusive national conference.
Subsequently, on June 6, 2011, the then-President of Syria extended an invitation to Kurdish parties for dialogue, a move that sparked internal disagreements. The Kurdish Coordination Committee officially declined the invitation, while reiterating the importance of dialogue as a fundamental principle.
Amid the developments of 2011, the Kurdish National Council (KNC) in Syria was established under the auspices of Masoud Barzani, bringing together multiple parties to unify efforts. Over time, the Council experienced significant fragmentation, with some parties shifting allegiance to the Democratic Autonomous Administration, established in 2014. Other parties reconstituted themselves under new names. One such entity was the West Kurdistan Council (Movement for a Democratic Society – TEV-DEM), which, beginning July 3, 2011, based its struggle on community organization across Rojava and North and East Syria. This movement included dozens of political forces and organizations and succeeded to a significant extent in unifying societal discourse across the region’s diverse communities. This was accomplished through a bottom-up organizational model starting with communes, extending to city and regional councils, and encompassing political representation in regional and international forums.
Following the establishment of the KNC, several challenges emerged that hindered the course of Kurdish unity. Among the notable initiatives was the formation of the Kurdish Supreme Committee, officially announced on July 12, 2012. This committee, under joint sponsorship from both the West Kurdistan Council and the KNC, and with the patronage of Masoud Barzani—then President of the Kurdistan Region—represented a key milestone. Despite the committee’s important decisions to enhance cooperation, breaches in the relationship between the parties soon surfaced.
The KNC failed to fully adhere to the Kurdish Supreme Committee’s decisions, leading to tensions. Among the violations were unilateral meetings with foreign officials, conducted without coordination with the other party, which widened the trust deficit and weakened collaborative efforts.
In the spirit of furthering joint action, a proposal for a Transitional Interim Administration was introduced on August 13, 2013, as a framework to unify efforts in managing Kurdish and shared territories. Despite reaching an agreement, the KNC withdrew at a later stage, thereby obstructing the desired progress.
On October 22, 2014, the Kurdish Political Reference Body was formed to bolster cooperation between the Movement for a Democratic Society and the KNC. Comprising five clauses, the agreement nonetheless faltered due to internal disagreements and diverging priorities, which ultimately prevented the achievement of its intended objectives.
Between May 14, 2011, and early 2015, Rojava's regions were subjected to continuous assaults. Areas such as Sere Kaniye, the southern regions of Derik, Tel Kocher in the east, and Tirbespiye in the west came under attack—first with direct support from the Turkish occupying state, followed by brutal offensives by ISIS, particularly against the Kobani Canton. The KNC did not participate in the defense of the region and failed to issue any statement condemning these attacks. Instead, it released declarations that disparaged the Kurdish people's resistance and the broader regional gains. This stance undermined the spirit of joint action and further widened the rift between the parties.
Engagement with External Actors
On July 1, 2015, the Kurdish National Council (KNC) formally adopted the Roj Peshmerga forces, following external directives. According to credible sources, several meetings were held between KNC leadership and regional as well as international actors, including Turkish and American officials, and members of the intelligence services of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) in Erbil. These meetings focused on a variety of issues, most notably the redeployment of Roj Peshmerga fighters—trained in designated locations—back into Rojava.
On March 23, 2018, following the occupation of Afrin by the Turkish state, a meeting took place between KNC leaders and Turkish officials to discuss the nature of bilateral relations. The meeting provoked widespread public discontent and criticism.
Political Positions
Despite the challenges facing the region, the KNC continued to express political positions that have been a source of considerable controversy. These included statements and declarations concerning the Autonomous Administration and its regional achievements, which further deepened the divide between various Kurdish political forces.
On November 19, 2020, a KNC representative visited Afrin, where he met with mercenaries affiliated with the Turkish occupation and toured the area. This visit raised serious questions regarding the Council's stance on ongoing developments in the region.
Initiatives for Kurdish Unity
As part of efforts to foster Kurdish unity, General Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces, Mazloum Abdi, launched an initiative in October 2019 following the Turkish offensive on NE Syria. Initially, the initiative saw notable progress and received widespread popular support across Rojava and Kurdistan. However, following the completion of the first phase—which resulted in a shared political vision—the dialogue encountered new challenges due to conditions introduced by the KNC.
Among the more contentious demands were the reinstatement of the Syrian government’s educational curriculum in place of the existing system in North and East Syria, and the abolition of the co-presidency model in the institutions of the Autonomous Administration.
The obstacles impeding Kurdish unity have largely stemmed from the evolving positions of the KNC, which repeatedly introduced new preconditions that complicated the negotiation process. These positions were heavily influenced by the stance and priorities of the Syrian National Coalition at the time.
New Steps Toward Unity
After years of political stagnation, Kurdish parties and movements resumed dialogue, launching a new series of talks that led to the convergence of political visions and the formation of a joint delegation to convey the aspirations of the Kurdish people to the authorities in Damascus. These parties also articulated a unified vision for the future of Syria, centered on achieving justice and equality, and promoting peaceful dialogue as the foundation for building a new, inclusive Syria.
The importance of Kurdish unity lies in its potential to strengthen internal cooperation and enhance the Kurds’ role and influence in the political and social arena. This unity also underscores the Kurds’ commitment to upholding values of justice and equality, while celebrating cultural diversity as an integral part of Syrian identity. Dialogue with all Syrian components is seen as a fundamental step toward achieving stability and fostering mutual understanding among the country's diverse components.
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