Kurdish Academic: Syria needs historic shift, not compromise

A Kurdish delegation is preparing to head to Damascus to negotiate with the Damascus authority regarding the rights of the Kurdish people in Syria and their fair representation in the future Syrian constitution, ensuring a democratic Syria that guarantees the rights of all components and segments of the Syrian people.

ANHA Agency conducted an interview with Kurdish politician and academic Dr. Jalal Mulla Haji, the professor of engineering at the University of San Diego in California, USA. He affirmed that the Kurds have a historical, political, cultural, social, and struggle-based dimension in Syria since ancient times.

Mulla Haji noted that the Kurds are among the active social components in the Levant, having participated in all national liberation movements against Ottoman occupation and French mandate, and engaged in political parties, with a presence in the Syrian parliament and army.

Text of the Interview:

How do you assess the Kurds' participation in building Syria throughout history?

The Kurds' participation in building Syria throughout history has been significant and fundamental, despite the political and social challenges they faced. Their contribution can be evaluated through several dimensions:

Historical and Political Dimension:

Pre-independence: The Kurds were among the active social components in the Levant during Ottoman rule and participated in national movements against the French mandate.

Post-independence (1946): The Kurds engaged in political life, with some joining national parties such as the Syrian Communist Party, and had a presence in the parliament and the army.

Cultural and Social Dimension: Kurdish intellectuals contributed to Syrian journalism and literature, despite restrictive policies imposed on Kurdish culture, especially after the 1960s. Prominent Kurdish figures emerged in fields such as literature, theater, and visual arts.

Military and Struggle Dimension: Many Kurds joined the Syrian army and participated in major wars, such as the 1948 war and the October 1973 war. During the Syrian revolution and its aftermath, the Kurds, particularly through the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the People's Protection Units (YPG), played a significant role in combating ISIS, earning international recognition.

Participation in Building Alternative Institutions in Northeast Syria: The Kurds contributed to establishing a semi-autonomous administrative system (the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria), based on principles of participatory democracy and multi-ethnic representation. Despite political controversy surrounding this model, it represents a Kurdish attempt to build a political and social project within Syria.

Challenges and Marginalization: The Kurds faced decades of marginalization, most notably the 1962 census that stripped tens of thousands of Kurds of Syrian citizenship, banned education in the Kurdish language, and imposed forced Arabization policies in their regions.

Comprehensive Assessment: Despite political exclusion and restrictions on identity and culture, the Kurds have effectively contributed to Syrian life in political, military, and cultural aspects. It can be said that their participation has always been present, even if official recognition has been delayed.

Since the Syrian revolution, the Kurds have protected their regions, built military forces, and preserved Syria's unity against terrorism and occupation. What role does this play in building a new Syria?

Your question is crucial for understanding the profound transformations Syria has undergone since 2011 and the Kurds' role in them. The Kurds' efforts in protecting their regions and establishing military and civilian institutions have had a significant and direct impact on any future project to build a "new Syria." Here’s a detailed breakdown of this role from several perspectives:

Preserving Syria’s Unity and Confronting Terrorism:

After the regime’s withdrawal from northeastern Syria in 2012, the Kurds did not seek secession but defended their areas while emphasizing Syria’s unity and its ethnic and religious diversity.

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and People’s Protection Units (YPG) played a central role in defeating ISIS in pivotal battles like Kobani, Raqqa, and Manbij. These forces were the backbone of the international coalition against terrorism, reshaping military balances on Syrian soil.

Building a Civilian Administrative Model – The Autonomous Administration:

The Kurdish effort wasn’t limited to the military sphere. They established a civilian administrative model (the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria) based on decentralized democracy, community participation (through local councils), and representation of various ethnicities and religions (Arabs, Kurds, Syriacs, Assyrians, Armenians). Though not internationally recognized, this model offers a practical alternative to the failed centralized, monolithic state model that couldn’t manage Syria’s diversity.

A Practical Experience of Coexistence and Participation:

In the Autonomous Administration’s regions, the principle of a “democratic nation” was implemented, fostering cooperation among components without ethnic or sectarian dominance. This reflects an advanced vision for a future Syria based on recognizing the cultural and political rights of all components without threatening national unity.

Lessons for Building a Future State:

The Kurds’ actions provide essential pillars for building a new Syria:

Decentralization: An administrative model recognizing local communities’ rights without separating from the state.

Fair Representation: A political system ensuring participation of all ethnicities and religions.

Identity Recognition: Accepting cultural, linguistic, and religious diversity as a strength, not a threat.

Fighting Terrorism: Organized local forces committed to combating extremism within a national vision.

The Kurds’ role post-revolution wasn’t just about protecting their regions but proposing an alternative model for building Syria on new foundations: democracy, pluralism, and decentralization. If integrated into a comprehensive national dialogue, this model could form the basis for a new constitution recognizing all components of the Syrian people.

What is required of the temporary Damascus authority for the future of the Kurds in Syria?

This question addresses the core of the Syrian issue and the Kurds’ future, highlighting the responsibility of the Damascus authority (the current Syrian regime) to transform into a state that embraces all its components, especially the Kurds. Below are the key points of what is required from Damascus, both temporarily and strategically, to ensure the Kurds’ future within a unified Syria:

Constitutional Recognition of the Kurds as a Fundamental Component:

Recognizing the Kurds as an original, rooted nationality in Syria, not as guests or newcomers, with explicit inclusion in any new or amended Syrian constitution.

Restoring citizenship to tens of thousands of Kurds stripped of it due to the 1962 census, which deprived over 300,000 Kurds of rights to work, education, and property. An urgent, final decision to restore citizenship immediately, without conditions or delays, is needed.

Recognition of Cultural and Linguistic Rights:

Allowing education in the Kurdish language in official schools in Kurdish areas.

Supporting Kurdish cultural institutions, encouraging publishing and production in Kurdish, and recognizing Kurdish as a supporting official language in majority-Kurdish regions.

Acceptance of Administrative and Political Decentralization:

Implementing a genuine decentralized system allowing local administrations (like the Autonomous Administration) to manage their economic, educational, and security affairs within a national framework. This doesn’t mean secession but developing a governance model suited to Syria’s diversity, preventing the return of repressive centralization.

Inclusion of Kurds in the Political and Constitutional Process:

Involving genuine Kurdish representatives (not just those chosen by the regime) in drafting the constitution, Geneva negotiations, or any peace process, as well as transitional and future state institutions.

Integration of the SDF into a National Defense System:

Recognizing the SDF’s heroic role in fighting terrorism and working toward their organized, conditional integration into a future Syrian national army, ensuring they are neither marginalized nor targeted. This integration must occur under a clear political agreement protecting the components’ gains.

Ending Repressive Security Policies and Detentions:

Releasing Kurdish political or cultural detainees, dismantling security apparatuses targeting Kurdish activists, and opening space for legitimate civic and political work.

In summary, what is required of the Damascus authority today, even if temporary, is not a concession but a historic transformation toward a state that embraces all its citizens. The Kurds’ future in Syria must be built on recognition, justice, partnership, and decentralization; otherwise, the country will remain in a cycle of division and tension.

A Kurdish delegation is heading to Damascus to negotiate. In your opinion, what is required of them to secure the rights of the Kurdish people in Rojava?

A unified Kurdish delegation heading to Damascus for negotiations is a rare historic opportunity that must not be squandered. The delegation’s demands should balance the fundamental national rights of the Kurdish people in “Rojava” (North and East Syria) with preserving Syria’s unity and sovereignty. Below is a comprehensive vision of what the delegation can demand, with clear priorities:

Official Recognition of the Kurdish People and Their National Rights:

Including the Kurds as an original, main component of Syria in the forthcoming constitution.

Recognizing the Kurdish language as an official language in their regions alongside Arabic and acknowledging Kurdish cultural, linguistic, and educational rights.

Legitimizing the Autonomous Administration within the Syrian State:

Recognizing the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria as a form of decentralized local governance.

Drafting a legal/constitutional agreement defining the Autonomous Administration’s powers in education, local security, resource management, and local judiciary. The goal is not secession but ensuring the end of repressive central authority and guaranteeing Kurdish participation in Syria’s state future.

Official and Fair Representation of Kurds in All State Institutions:

Including Rojava representatives in drafting or amending the constitution, parliament, government, army, and constitutional bodies.

Citizenship and Transitional Justice:

A radical, final resolution to the issue of those stripped of citizenship since 1962, releasing all Kurdish political detainees from regime prisons, and forming a joint body to investigate past regime crimes against the Kurdish people, ensuring they are not repeated.

Organized Integration of SDF into the State Structure:

Signing an official agreement ensuring:

The SDF is neither disbanded nor prosecuted and is integrated into a “Syrian national army” as a local defense force in its regions.

Respect for local security specifics in Autonomous Administration areas.

The delegation should not surrender weapons without genuine political and constitutional guarantees.

Economic and Developmental Rights for Kurdish Regions:

Recognizing the Kurdish regions’ rights to manage their natural resources, such as oil and agriculture.

Allocating fair state budgets for developing deprived areas and reconstruction under joint, not centralized, oversight.

A Smart Negotiation Approach:

Presenting demands not as a “list of conditions” but as foundations for a comprehensive solution for Syria, linking Kurdish rights to the future of a democratic Syria, not just Kurdish areas.

Kurdish unity is a prerequisite for negotiation strength; the delegation must speak with one political voice.

Dialogue with Damascus doesn’t mean submission to the regime but pushing for real change. International guarantees or observers should be present if an agreement is reached.

a.k

ANHA