“Age Resistance” continues in confronting the occupation and genocide - 1

At the outset of the Syrian crisis, several forces on the scene, at the Global level; The United States of America and Russia emerged, at the regional level; Iran and the Turkish occupying state emerged. Each force intervened on its own internal and external motives and with different agendas, but the common denominator is greater influence and preparation for the post-war phase, trying to put pressure on each other to achieve its goals by holding bargaining.

Through Syria, America has sought to limit Iranian influence and break up another country, as it has done in Iraq, and to impose a regime of government in line with the new Middle East project based on reducing the influence of a nation - state that has proved unsuccessful, weakening Israel's opponents and ensuring its security.

For Russia, Syria was a gateway to return to a multipolar world and to impose itself as a superpower with weight in shaping the world order to be mapped; From the Middle East.

Iran, on the other hand, has continued its traditional policies of fighting outside its territory, settling its calculations with the West on Syrian territory and preventing the hell of war from moving within its borders. Syria is also an important passage for the completion of the Shia Crescent, from Tehran through Baghdad to Damascus to Beirut.

The Syrian war awakened Erdogan's imperial dreams, and in this decade-long war he found a valuable opportunity to implement Misak-ı Millî to take control of the region from Aleppo in Syria to Kirkuk in Iraq, from there to take control of the entire territory formerly occupied by the Ottoman State.

Internally, the Damascus Government only had to remain in power and restore the situation in the country to what it had been before 2011, a central authority that controlled all of the political, social and economic life.

The common denominator of all these powers is hegemony, all within the limits of the military, economic and technical power they possess.
Under all these circumstances, Rojava, and North and East Syria, the only one with a vision and a democratic project, is not eager behind power and influence, but most important is to democratize Syria and the rescue of peoples who had been strangled by authoritarian regimes for centuries.

This project did not like the the forces of global and regional hegemony. Even at the level of Kurdistan, the PDK and its extension in Rojava, the Kurdish National Council, have striven, and continue to do, to eliminate AANES.

Attacks on AANES began with the beginning of the 19 July Revolution in Rojava, via the attack on Ras al-Ain and later in 2013 on Afrin.

2014 was the strongest and most violent attack on AANES by a mercenary group of Turkey. On the 15 of September, ISIS/ Daesh mercenaries attacked Kobani canton from 3 axes. Turkish mercenaries reached the outskirts of the city of Kobani. Battles were taking place in a narrow geographical area stretching over some streets and alleyways in the besieged city. However, resistance from female fighters and fighters, the general alarm declared by leader Abdullah Ocalan and the participation of female fighters and fighters from all over Kurdistan. After 134 days of resistance, Kobani was completely liberated on 26 January 2015.

With the first strike on ISIS mercenaries, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), formed in October 2015, launched successive liberation campaigns in various areas of North and East Syria.

With these successive victories and the announcement of AANES, and its brightness in Syria and the world, the dominant countries, first and foremost the occupying Turkish state, have moved from war through agents to direct intervention, after their agents failed to achieve their destructive projects.

In 2016, after the Manbij Military Council (MMC) liberated the area from ISIS/ Daesh mercenaries on the 12th of August, and officially declared victory on the 15th of the same month, Turkey began directly occupying Syrian territory, specifically on the 24th of August 2016. The Turkish offensive began in conjunction with the visit of U.S. Vice President John McCain, and a day earlier, on August 23^rd, when officials of the PDK met with officials of the Turkish occupying state.

With this attack and the Turkish occupation of Jarablous region, after which Azaz, al--Bab and large parts of Idlib province, the true intentions of the Turkish state began to crystallize. "Bringing down the regime" was not Turkey's first, when the features of a democratic project began to emerge near it.

But Turkey alone was not able to occupy one inch of Syrian territory without the direct consent of the two great powers, America and Russia.

Just before the Turkish attack on Afrin, Turkey handed over its mercenary's necks in Eastern Ghouta and Douma to Russian warplanes and Damascus artillery that caused massive destruction and demolished homes over the heads of its residents.

On 20 January 2018, when the Turkish offensive began, Russian forces withdrew from Afrin and opened the air to Turkish warplanes to commit massacres.

Russian complicity went beyond the issue of coordination with the Turkish occupying state, throwing its weight to prevent any possible agreement between the AANES and the Damascus Government; to defend Afrin jointly. This explains the reluctance of the Damascus Government as well as its push of uniform forces close to Iran and the lack of involvement of uniform forces or the dispatch of any logistical support. When a few dozen uniform forces were sent directly targeted by the Turkish occupying power, dozens were killed in their ranks, but Russia did not lift a finger.

As for the United States of America, its position was clear and in no way sought to stop the Turkish offensive; it silently supported it, claiming that it was not interfering in the areas west of the Euphrates River. This American argument was quickly exposed when former US President Donald Trump intervened directly to stop a Russian military attack on Idlib, also west of the Euphrates River.

As for the European Union, its reactions did not go beyond statements that were only in the context of the registration of positions. At the Arab level, there was no prominent position except the Egyptian one. Even the League of Arab States, which has condemned the Turkish offensive, and Qatar, which is Turkey's partner in supporting mercenary groups, has not manifested its positions into concrete action.

In such circumstances, the Turkish attack on Afrin began. The majority expected Afrin to fall in a matter of days in front of NATO's second most powerful army, supplied with state-of-the-art weapons and supported by some 25,000 mercenaries, as well as hundreds of Turkish Special Forces soldiers.

Despite all this, Afrin resisted its military forces and its people 58 days on. On March 18, 2018, Turkey occupied Afrin canton, and in October 2019 it occupied Tal Abyed canton and Ras al-Ain region.

Turkey occupied those areas, but the AANES’ project did not fall and remained in place, and the people in North and East Syria and Syria generally believed that self - protection was a guarantee of victory and that reliance on the dominant powers brought only destruction.

T/S

ANHA