From Armed Struggle to Politics: The Kurdish Cause since 15 August

The period extending from 15 August 1984 to the “Call for Peace and a Democratic Society” in 2025 reflects more than simply a transition between two dates. According to this trajectory, it represents a transformation in the very nature of the Kurdish cause—from war and armed struggle to politics, law and constitutional rights, and from seeking a military victory to pursuing a political solution.

From Armed Struggle to Politics: The Kurdish Cause since 15 August
15 August, 2026   02:40
NEWS DESK

On 15 August 1984, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) launched its armed struggle in Northern Kurdistan and Turkey in what became known as the 15 August Leap, marking the beginning of a decades-long period of armed struggle over the Kurdish cause in Turkey.

Forty-two years later, as the anniversary is marked today, the Kurdish cause has entered a new phase centered on dialogue, a political solution, and legal and constitutional rights, within the framework of the “Call for Peace and a Democratic Society” and the framework law that followed in Turkey.

Beginnings

The roots of the movement that would later lead to the establishment of the PKK date back to the early 1970s, when a group of young people led by Abdullah Ocalan emerged and became involved in political activity in Turkey.

On 27 November 1978, the group held its first founding congress in the village of Fis, in the Lice district of Amed, where the Kurdistan Workers’ Party was officially established.

Following the death of leading figure Haki Karer on 18 May 1977, discussions intensified within the group over the viability and necessity of armed struggle amid rising political tensions and confrontations, particularly the clashes in Hilvan and Siverek between 1978 and 1980. These events became important milestones in the movement’s shift toward an armed option.

Beginning in the summer of 1979, the movement worked to develop its military capabilities and sought to turn its armed activities into a form of guerrilla warfare. It also sent a number of its cadres to Palestine and Lebanon for political and military training.

However, Turkey’s 12 September 1980 coup delayed the launch of the armed struggle, while a number of the movement’s cadres had already been detained by the Turkish authorities. The coup marked a decisive turning point in the country’s history, followed by the dissolution of political parties, trade unions and other political institutions, the mass detention of opponents, and widespread security and repressive measures affecting political and social life.

The coup was preceded by a sharp escalation in violence and political polarization, including deadly incidents and massacres such as the Maraş massacre and the 1 May events, amid an atmosphere that deepened fear, polarization and distrust within society.

The coup also took place within a tense regional and international context marked by the Cold War and Turkey’s strategic position as a NATO member, alongside major regional developments including the Iranian Revolution, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the continuing Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

In the aftermath of the coup, detainees in Turkish prisons were subjected to harsh conditions, torture and widespread repression. Amed Prison No. 5 became one of the most prominent sites of resistance by detainees affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party.

In this context, the name of Mazlum Doğan emerged. Turkish authorities arrested Doğan in 1979, before the military coup. He became known for his uncompromising stance during his trial before a military court, where he uttered the famous phrase, “Resistance is life, surrender is death.” On 21 March 1982, Doğan set himself on fire inside the prison in protest against the detention conditions, repression and torture to which prisoners were subjected. His act later became a symbol of resistance in Turkish prisons.

Afterward, several of his comrades and PKK cadres—Kemal Pir, Mehmet Hayri Durmuş, Ali Çiçek and Akif Yılmaz—declared a “death fast” on 14 July 1982 in protest against prison conditions and policies of repression and torture. These hunger strikes and acts of resistance inside prisons became a significant chapter in the party’s history and contributed to strengthening the push toward resuming armed activities, culminating in the declaration of the armed struggle on 15 August 1984.

The significance of 15 August 1984 lies in this context as the outcome of a long political and military trajectory that began in the 1970s. Internal and regional factors converged along this path, eventually leading the movement from political and organizational activity to a phase of open armed struggle.

Preparations for 15 August

Following the PKK’s Second Congress, held in the summer of 1982, groups affiliated with the party began moving toward the border areas in early September of the same year in preparation for returning to Northern Kurdistan.

On 24 November 1982, eight fighters from a group led by Şahin Kalfuz (Rêber) drowned in the Hezil River while returning to Kurdistan after floods caused the river to swell.

At the beginning of 1983, camps were established on both sides of the Zap River, and preparations for armed struggle continued. At a meeting held from 16 to 18 June 1984 in Khunera, Southern Kurdistan, six members of the PKK Central Committee decided to establish the Kurdistan Liberation Forces (HRK), which would organize guerrilla warfare. In July, a wider group of cadres was informed of the decision, while the locations and dates of the operations were determined.

15 August 1984: The Beginning of a New Phase

According to the plan, simultaneous operations were scheduled for 15 August 1984 in three areas: Eruh (Dih) in Siirt, Şemdinli in Hakkari, and Gülmerg in Van. However, the operation in Gülmerg was not carried out that day.

In Eruh, the operation was led by the 14 July Unit under the command of Maksud Korkmaz (Agit), while Abdullah Ekinci led the operation in Şemdinli as part of the 21 March Unit.

On the morning of 15 August, the Dih group reached its position and, after making final preparations, launched the operation. Following the reading of a statement over the mosque loudspeaker, the group announced the establishment of the Kurdistan Liberation Forces (HRK). The operation targeted a police station, a bank and several symbols of Turkish state authority before the group withdrew from the area.

In Şemdinli, fierce clashes broke out between PKK fighters and Turkish forces. The fighters also took part in announcing the establishment of the Kurdistan Liberation Forces and distributing leaflets.

From that point onward, 15 August became a turning point in the history of the Kurdish movement, rather than merely a military operation, as it elevated the Kurdish cause to a new level of political, social and regional visibility in the years that followed.

From “72 Hours” to 42 Years

The 15 August operations did not remain confined to Turkey. News of the attacks quickly reached international media outlets, with the BBC, Voice of America and Radio Iran among the organizations that reported on the operations at an early stage. European media outlets also covered the developments.

By contrast, the Turkish media did not report on the operations until 18 August 1984, three days later. On 12 September, Turkish President Kenan Evren gave a 72-hour deadline to track down those who had taken up arms against state authority and hand them over to the judiciary.

The Conflict Reshapes Society and Politics

Over the following decades, the Kurdish cause was no longer confined to its military dimension. It became an influential factor in Turkish and Middle Eastern politics and contributed to the emergence of a shared political consciousness among the Kurdish people, following decades of political, social, tribal and religious divisions.

Women also assumed a more prominent role in the political and social life associated with the Kurdish movement, with their participation and resistance becoming one of the notable aspects of this trajectory.

Over time, it became increasingly difficult to understand political developments in Turkey, Syria and the Middle East without taking the Kurdish cause into account.

From Syria to Imrali

On 9 October 1998, leader Abdullah Ocalan left Syria amid growing international pressure on his host country. He subsequently moved between several European countries before being captured in an international operation on 15 February 1999 and transferred to Turkey.

In Imrali,  he was initially sentenced to death, before the sentence was commuted to aggravated life imprisonment. His imprisonment, however, also coincided with calls to halt the conflict and seek a path toward peace, which later became part of the transition from military confrontation to political dialogue.

Dialogue Attempts Before the Current Phase

Peace and dialogue efforts associated with leader Ocalan emerged at several stages, most notably in 1993, 1999, 2009 and 2013–2015.

However, these efforts failed to produce a lasting settlement, according to the Kurdish Freedom Movement, which has repeatedly expressed its view that the Turkish authorities evaded their commitments and undermined those processes. This once again raised the question of how to move beyond simply halting the fighting toward addressing the political, legal and constitutional roots of the Kurdish cause.

This is where the significance of the current phase emerges. The question is no longer limited to “Will the war stop?” but extends to another question: How can the end of the conflict be transformed into a lasting political settlement that guarantees democratic, political, linguistic and constitutional rights?

27 February 2025: A New Call for Peace

Amid these developments, the Middle East underwent rapid regional and domestic transformations—from the Russia-Ukraine war, through Hamas's 7 October 2023 attack and the ensuing Israeli war in the Gaza Strip, the escalation between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon, and the fall of the Baath regime in Syria, to strikes and growing political and social tensions inside Turkey.

These developments contributed to reshaping the political and security landscape and encouraged a move away from armed confrontation toward political and legal avenues for resolving the Kurdish cause. Against this backdrop, leader Ocalan issued a new call on 27 February 2025, titled “Call for Peace and a Democratic Society,” opening a new political phase.

Following the call, the PKK held its 12th Congress, where it decided to end its armed struggle and dissolve itself, announcing a transition to a new phase.

On 11 July 2025, a group of PKK fighters in Sulaymaniyah burned their weapons during a ceremony, in a move presented as a symbolic act within calls to end the war and transition toward democratic politics.

Then, on 5 August 2026, a political mechanism involving political parties represented in the Turkish Parliament was established, in a move seen as an indication that the Kurdish cause had entered a broader parliamentary debate.

The Framework Law: Is a Political Settlement Beginning?

In the current phase, attention has focused on the proposed “Law to Promote National Unity and Social Cohesion,” consisting of 12 points. The proposal received the support of 467 members of the Turkish Parliament and is expected to be debated by the General Assembly. If approved, it will proceed to the next legislative stage.

Under the proposed framework, following a report and approval by Turkey's National Security Council (MGK), the president would oversee implementation of the law.

The party describes the proposal as one of the legal steps in the “Peace and Democratic Society” process. Leader Abdullah Ocalan, who is leading negotiations with the Turkish state, described the move as the beginning of a longer process, saying: “A thousand-mile journey begins with a single step.”

From 15 August to Today: What Has Changed?

Forty-two years after 15 August 1984, the nature of the questions surrounding the Kurdish cause has changed. Initially, the issue centered on armed conflict and confrontation with the Turkish state. Today, discussions increasingly focus on dialogue, political rights, linguistic rights, legal and constitutional guarantees, and the future relationship between the Kurds and the Turkish state..

The central challenge facing the new phase remains the transition from decisions and dialogue to implementable political and legal steps that can prevent a return to conflict and lay the foundations for a lasting settlement.

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ANHA