Assessments of leader Ocalan on the international conspiracy – 2

In his pleadings, the leader Abdullah Ocalan analyzed the conspiracy that befell his personality and the goals of the conspiring forces to end the Kurdish issue, and we have listed some of the excerpts of the leader Abdullah Ocalan in his pleading entitled Manifesto of Democratic Civilization - the Kurdish Question and the Solution of the Democratic and Civil Nation, in the form of two parts.

international conspiracy threads

My exit from Syria is linked to the combing carried out by the NATO network Gladio. Therefore, we cannot formulate a correct explanation for this combing, unless we take the Gladio and the split in the Turkish army seriously. The chiefs of the General Staff, "Ismail Hakki Karadayi and Hussein Kifarkoglu", were not in control of everything. both of them were closer in their thought to the approach of Ashraf Badlisi than the Kurdish Cause. They did not find it right or possible to to uproot the Kurds. As for their view of the peaceful and political solution that both Turgut Ozal and Ashraf Badlisi aspired to start, they considered it a cause of patriotism on the one hand, and more in tune with the concept of traditional war on the other. Saqib Sabanci was also a representative of the team that advocates this approach within the TÜSİAD Association of Turkish Manufacturers and Businessmen. The positions of Mehmet Aymur, Head of the Counter-Guerrilla Department of the National Intelligence Organization, and Hanafi Afci of the Security Department were also in line with the same approach. This group had set out to take advantage of the Susurlek incident to launch a campaign against the powerful war party, while Doğan Görış and Jvik Beer represented mainly the opposing team or the Gladio wing.

Before I left Syria, the rivalry between these two teams had surfaced again. Thus, the competition between loyalists and opponents over dialogue with us, over dialogue in favor of the Gladio wing of NATO, that is, in favor of the group supporting war, backed by Israel and America, ended. On the eve of the exit, the Israeli intelligence insisted on I should leave Syria. I did not see this as appropriate, in order to avoid heavy losses in Syria. Nor was I attesting to that strategically and ideologically. But the war would have proceeded in its natural course, and we would have lived through what fate had in store for us. I was not fatalistic. However, changing course and suddenly abandoning the prevailing ideological, political and military approach for nearly three decades, would not have been a meaningful rebellion in the inevitable fate. Honesty had to be kept, and I wouldn't even have to work to save myself. After the last warning issued by Attila Atesh in the name of Gladio NATO, we could not escalate the war unless Syria and Russia steadfastly supported us. However, such support was not secured, since neither country had the ability, nor even the intention, to bear my presence personally on their soil. This was really impossible for Syria. It was likely to be occupied overnight, by the Turkish armies in the north and the Israeli army in the south. And if they were agitated or nervous, they could have created better possibilities for me. However, they couldn't take it. As for Russia's position, it was more humiliating. It forced me out of Moscow, in exchange for the Blue Stream project and a ten-billion-dollar loan from the International Monetary Fund.

Two ways out

There were two ways in front of me on the way out: the first was the mountain, the second was Europe. Choosing the mountain meant an escalation of the war, while Europe meant searching for an opportunity for a diplomatic and political solution. It is known that preparations for the establishing the mountain taken place a few days before that. The odds were outweighed in this direction. However, the arrival of a Greek body to us at precisely those times, and the extensive telephone contacts made by our representative in Athens Iver Kaya at that time ( high-ranking officials); It has meant to change our course towards Athens. The problem of the Syrian officials was to get out of there as quickly as possible. However, they did not seem very comfortable with my departure to Europe. And their failure to find an alternative in this regard, is a serious take on them. As a matter of fact, the departure to Athens was not counted. Rather, it was an opportunity that I did not avoid taking advantage of, believing in the seriousness of our friends there. If I had known that they were as I met them on the ground, I would not have gone there at all. But the question that must be asked here is: Was the Gladio network division - which is known to be highly immune in Greece as well - that played its role in that exit scenario? I cannot formulate a definitive answer to that. Rather, this topic should be researched. What is included in the list of possibilities regarding my extradition to Turkey is America's agreement with the Turkish administration in principle to solve its problems with Greece, or it made a covenant with it. The possibility of America expressing its intentions in this context within the framework of solving the Aegean problem and Cyprus in particular is more likely. Therefore, it must be taken into account, without any doubt, that Turkey has taken an infinitely condescending position in this regard.

Syrian officials caught their breath after the plane landed in me on the ninth of October. Calendrides received me in Athens airport. Calendrides had also been in Turkey for a long time as an officer in charge of NATO. He did the same in Sweden as well, so he may have been a follower of Gladio's of Greece. He pretended to be a friend to the extreme. There was an eccentric reporter that leaked to me some NATO documents. It might be doing it to get my trust. And he took me to the air officer and intelligence chief Stavrakakis. He told me, with unbearable arrogance and stubbornness, that I would not be able to enter Greece, even temporarily. The friends we dated didn't show up. We talked until evening. By chance, our Moscow mediator, Numan Ugar, got on the line, and so, on a private Greek plane, we diverted to Moscow. With the help of the head of the "Liberal Democratic Party" Zhirinowsky, we managed to land in Moscow, but the head of the Russian Internal Intelligence received us. He was also arrogant and stubborn. So, we couldn't survive in those conditions. I stayed for about thirty-three days in a way that was said to be secret. The people who took care of me Jewish origin politician. I was convinced of their honesty. They really wanted to help me. However, I would not approve of this method. The Israeli Prime Minister, Arbel Sharon, and the US Secretary of State, "Madeleine Albright" had visited Russia during that period. Perimakov was the prime minister of Russia at the time. All of them are of Jewish origin. In addition, Turkish Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz was also on the move at the time and in the end, they secured my exit from Russia."

The political and philosophical mentality of the conspiracy

The four-month period extending from October 9, 1998 to February 15, 1999 was astonishing. No power in the world, except America, could have arranged for this four-month sweep at that stage. As for the role of the Turkish special war forces at that time (whose chief was General Anakin Alan), it was confined to transporting me to Imrali on board the plane under supervision. It was a period witnessing the implementation of the most important sweeps in the history of NATO, for sure. And it was so glaringly obvious that no one had ever done anything aberrant anywhere we went. Whoever does that, his effect is immediately paralyzed. Even Greater Russia paralyzed its influence with glaring clarity. Whereas the position of the Greeks was basically sufficient to clarify everything. Also, the security measures taken inside and outside the house in Rome, told the situation to a large extent. They have taken exceptional measures regarding captivity. They did not allow even a single step outside the house. The special security units watched every place and even my room door around the clock. The government of D'Alema was a leftist democratic government. D'Alema was inexperienced, unable to make a decision on his own. He has traveled all over Europe. England made it clear to him that he should make his own decision, and did not cooperate with him much. Meanwhile, Brussels' position was ambiguous. As a result, we were referred to the court. It was possible not to see the influence of the Gladiolus in taking this position.

Originally, Italy was one of the countries in which the Gladiolus had the greatest power. Berlusconi had mobilized all his forces. He himself was a Gladiolus man. So, I was forced to go out. Because I knew Italy couldn't stand me. Of course, Turkey had become, in return, one of the countries that America and Israel most trust, after they made it orbit in their orbit. Hence, the context that claims to be reckless globalization is, in fact, only the story of Turkey providing a gift to global financial capitalism.

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