Kurds in Syria: From historic presence to marginalization and state-building partnership – Part 1

The presence of Kurds in Syria is not limited to the national question or political demands that have emerged over recent decades. Historical sources and studies indicate that Kurds have lived in various parts of Syria across successive historical periods, while their presence in Syrian cities and regions grew during the Islamic eras, particularly in Damascus, Aleppo, Hama and Homs, continuing through the establishment of the modern Syrian state.

Researchers emphasize that Kurds, alongside Syria’s various other communities, participated in political, military and social life and in resistance to the French Mandate. At the same time, a Kurdish political movement developed, calling for recognition of Kurdish identity and the cultural and political rights of Kurds within Syria.

Kurdish Presence in Syria: Interwoven Historical Roots

Discussions of the ancient roots of Kurds in Syria draw on historical interpretations linking them to ancient peoples and kingdoms that inhabited Mesopotamia, including the Hurrians and Mitanni. A number of researchers of Kurdish history consider these peoples part of the historical roots of the Kurdish people, citing their presence in areas stretching from the Zagros Mountains to the Upper Euphrates and the Khabur River.

In this context, researchers point to the work of German historian and scholar Horst Klengel, who examined the emergence of the Hurrians in the region from the beginning of the third millennium BC, as well as the emergence of political centers and kingdoms in Mesopotamia, including areas in what is now northern and eastern Syria.

The importance of the Jazira in this context is highlighted by its numerous archaeological sites, including Tell Brak, Tell Halaf, Tell Fakhariya, Tell Jaghir Bazar and Tell Leilan. These sites have revealed layers of civilizations dating back to ancient periods, including the Hurrian and Mitanni eras.

Fawaz Othman, a researcher specializing in Kurdish history and civilization, told ANHA News Agency: “When discussing the role of Kurds in building Syria, we must first start from a historical fact: Kurds are an indigenous component of Syrian society and have never been outside Syria’s national history.”

Kurds in Syria During the Middle Ages

Alongside interpretations concerning ancient periods, there is clearer historical evidence and research documenting the Kurdish presence in Syria during the Islamic eras, particularly from the Ayyubid period onward.

Damascus, for example, saw Kurdish settlement, and Kurds came to have a neighborhood known as the Kurdish Quarter. Kurdish presence was also associated with other parts of the country, including Aleppo. Studies also indicate that Afrin and Jabal al-Akrad (Kurd Mountain) are among the oldest areas of Kurdish settlement in Syria, with the Kurdish presence in the region documented from ancient times and reflected in archaeological remains discovered there, including Ain Dara and other archaeological sites.

During the Ayyubid era, Kurds played a prominent military and political role, with Kurdish forces and emirs participating in the Ayyubid state. Syria also witnessed waves of Kurdish settlement linked to political and military transformations in the region. Historical sources document the presence of Kurds in Damascus and other parts of Syria during this period and afterward.

In northwestern Syria, particularly the Afrin region and Jabal al-Akrad (Kurd Mountain), Kurdish settlement has historically been associated with mountainous areas and agricultural villages. Kurds continued to preserve their language, customs and social ties through different historical periods.

From a Historical Component to a Political Issue

As the modern Syrian state took shape following the Sykes-Picot Agreement and earlier secret treaties between the Western powers that controlled the region, the Kurdish presence entered a new phase. Kurds became part of the country’s demographic, political and social fabric, at a time when questions of identity, language, and cultural and political rights began to play a greater role in relations between Kurds and successive authorities.

With the rise of Arab nationalist currents following the union with Egypt, and later the implementation of discriminatory policies against Kurds, the Kurdish issue gradually became one of Syria’s sensitive political and social questions. At different stages, these policies included restrictions on the Kurdish language and culture, as well as measures that affected the legal status of part of the Kurdish population, particularly following the 1962 census in Hasakah Governorate.

These developments, however, did not mean that Kurds withdrew from Syria’s national life. They continued to have a presence in state institutions, the army, administration, and political and cultural life, alongside the emergence of a Kurdish political movement that called for recognition of the Kurdish national presence and the cultural and political rights of Kurds in Syria.

Fawaz Othman emphasizes: “Reducing Kurds to the national question alone does not provide the full historical picture. Kurds were also part of the Syrian national movement and of the state and society’s institutions. At different political stages, Kurds participated in national parties and movements, as well as in the army, administration, culture and public life. At the same time, a Kurdish political movement developed that called for recognition of the Kurdish national presence and cultural and political rights within Syria.”

Kurds, the Syrian National Movement and Resistance to the French Mandate

The Kurdish role became particularly evident during the resistance to the French Mandate, when Kurdish figures, tribal leaders and political forces joined Arab, Syriac, Armenian and other forces and figures in confronting the French Mandate and defending Syria’s independence.

Fawaz Othman notes that Kurds were present during important stages of the Syrian national movement, and that Syrian figures of Kurdish origin reached prominent political, military and cultural positions during the Mandate period and after the establishment of the state.

Othman also cited the participation of Kurdish tribal leaders in the National Tribal Conference in Palmyra in 1935, alongside Arab tribal leaders and social figures from different parts of the country, as part of efforts opposing the French Mandate.

According to the researcher, this participation reflects an aspect of the Kurdish role in the Syrian national movement, beyond reducing Kurdish history solely to national demands.

Kurds and the Great Syrian Revolt

Fawaz Othman also links the Kurdish presence to the Great Syrian Revolt of 1925, highlighting the role of Kurdish figures during its early stages, including Mihou Shasho from the Afrin region, who, he says, fired the first shot of the revolt in northern Syria in coordination with Ibrahim Hananu, the revolt’s leader in the area.

He also points to the role of Dr. Abd al-Rahman al-Shahbandar in the national movement and resistance to the French Mandate, as well as his ties to revolt leaders in Suwayda, including Sultan Pasha al-Atrash.

Kurdish Presence in Syrian State Institutions

The role of Kurdish figures in Syria was not limited to Kurdish political activism but extended to state institutions and various areas of public life. Muhammad Ali al-Abid served as president of Syria from 1932 to 1936, while Abd al-Rahman al-Shahbandar served as foreign minister in the government of Hashim al-Atassi in 1920. He later founded the People’s Party and became one of the prominent figures of the national movement.

In the military, Yusuf al-Azma, Syria’s minister of war and national military commander, emerged as one of the most prominent figures of resistance to the French occupation. Born to a Kurdish family from Damascus, he led the Battle of Maysalun in 1920 and refused to surrender despite recognizing the military superiority of the French forces. He was killed in the battle and became a symbol of courage, sacrifice and the defense of Syria’s independence.

Other prominent figures included Husni al-Za'im, who served as chief of staff before becoming head of state in 1949; Tawfiq Nizam al-Din, who served as chief of staff; Fawzi al-Selu, who held military and government positions before becoming head of state; and Adib al-Shishakli, who served as president from 1953 to 1954.

In the cultural and educational fields, Muhammad Kurd Ali served as minister of education and president of the Arab Academy of Damascus. Meanwhile, Khalid Bakdash became the first elected communist member of the Syrian Parliament in 1954 and led the Syrian Communist Party for decades.

In the religious field, Sheikh Ahmad Kuftaro served as Grand Mufti of Syria from 1964 until his death in 2004. Muhammad Sa'id Ramadan al-Buti, a Syrian scholar and jurist of Kurdish origin, served as a professor and head of the Department of Creeds and Religions at the Faculty of Sharia at the University of Damascus. He was known for his extensive scholarly output.

Hussein Bey Ibish also emerged as a prominent figure in Damascus’s economic and social life.

These figures, despite their differing political orientations and positions, demonstrate that the Kurdish presence in Syria’s history was not confined to Kurdish nationalist activism. It extended to state institutions, the military, education, culture, religion, the economy and broader political life.

The Role of Kurdish Youth and the Cultural and Political Movement

Kurdish youth also played a role in Syria’s political and cultural life. Among them was Khalid Bakdash, who came from the Kikan tribe and was a student at Maktab Anbar before becoming secretary-general of the Syrian Communist Party.

Another figure was Ali Bouzo, who was of Kurdish Zaza origin. In 1936, he founded the Students’ Union and the Kurdistan Scout Troop in Damascus and later held ministerial positions.

This presence reflects Kurdish participation in the political and intellectual currents that shaped Syria during the 20th century, alongside the development of their own political movement, which focused on recognition of Kurdish identity, language and culture.

Kurds and Syria: From National Participation to Rights Demands

Fawaz Othman argues that the relationship between Kurds and Syria should not be viewed through a “minority and state” binary. Rather, it should be understood as the relationship between a historic component and its land, state and society—one that contributed to building modern Syria while also demanding its national, cultural and political rights.

He says: “The relationship between Kurds and Syria is not one between a minority and a state, but between an indigenous component and its homeland—one that contributed to building it and has the right to be a full partner in its future.”

ANHA