Samih Choucair: Reasons for Kurds' affiliation to democratic change are solid that can be built upon

Syrian poet and composer Samih Choucair emphasized the need to look at the reality of the Syrian Kurds as part of the Syrian issue, and said that the reasons for their affiliation to democratic change are solid reasons that can be built upon.

Samih Choucair: Reasons for Kurds' affiliation to democratic change are solid that can be built upon
3 May, 2021   02:47
NEWS DESK - AHMED MOHAMMED

The Syrian artist Samih Choucair, who was born in the occupied Syrian Golan in 1957, and who is famous for his patriotic, revolutionary political songs, confirmed in a private dialogue with our agency that the Damascus government's adoption of the security option and setting the army in the face of the popular movement caused the escalation of violence and the flooding of the street in blood.

He pointed to the Qatari and Turkish intervention and Saudi figures who support the establishment of armed factions with names that declare a specific religious identity and then practically end the Free Army and kill its true national and revolutionary leaders which made it understandable that there is a tendency to transform the conflict from the struggle of a subjugated people against an oppressive authority to the stirring of religious feelings and their revival with the aim of seizing power under the guise of religion and a promise of a caliphate, or something similar to that, while declaring hostility to democracy and the state of citizenship.

The text of the dialogue is as follows:

Ten years have passed since the start of the Syrian revolution. Today, after these years, how do you assess the lived reality, and how do you assess what the situation of the Syrian people has reached?

There is no doubt that we, as Syrians, find ourselves and wherever we are; inside or outside the country, and under the control of any of the conflicting forces, at a distinct disadvantage. But linking this miserable situation to the outbreak of the revolution is not correct in my opinion, because I see it as a worthy revolution after many years of oppression and political exclusion exercised by the authority. I believe that the reason for what we have reached is the violent way the regime decided to confront a peaceful, overwhelming struggle demanding the overthrow of tyranny when it raised the slogan of freedom and dignity.

As you know, there are many parties now interfering in the Syrian issue, between regional and international. What prompted this?

Mainly, the security choice of the regime was the main reason, and then the situation of the army against the popular movement caused an escalation of violence and drowned the street in blood. If we understood the defection of members of the army for their refusal to participate in the killing and then their attempt to protect the demonstrations at the beginning of the revolution, then as peaceful revolutionaries we always refused to resort to arms, and we saw how the circle of interveners to support the regime expanded rapidly; Iranian forces, snipers, and multiple Iraqi and Lebanese militias affiliated with it. On the other hand, we saw Qatari and Turkish intervention, and Saudi figures supporting the establishment of armed factions with the names they were given which declare a specific religious identity and then practically end the Free Army and kill its real patriotic and revolutionary leaders, which made us understand their tendency to transform the conflict from the struggle of a subjugated people against a tyrannical authority to stirring up religious feelings with the aim of seizing power under the guise of religion and a promise of a caliphate or something similar, declaring hostility to democracy and the state of citizenship.

We will not forget the regime's participation in strengthening the jihadist image of the fighters against it, when it released from its prisons hardliners who were formed after their departure, the most important jihadist factions, such as Al-Nusra and Jaish al-Islam, to tell the world that there is no popular revolution against it, but rather that it is only fighting terrorism, until the regime brought Russia when it was about to fall.

As for America, it was watching the bloody scene that was taking shape without direct intervention in the beginning, then it moved at a later stage to general supervision of the scene and to providing logistical support at a time and preventing it for support at other times as if it was only to control the conflict so that it would continue without anyone winning, and then it developed its presence in the east of the Euphrates under the heading of fighting ISIS on the one hand and preventing the regime's victory pending its approval of UN Resolution 2254. Many reports indicate the Israeli role in convincing the United States of the necessity for the weak Syrian regime to remain and not topple it because it has been committed to calm on its fronts for decades, and in the end it has been completely correct the well-known saying that "tyrants bring invaders."

How can the Syrian people act and move to reach their endeavors for freedom and dignity, which they demanded with the launch of their revolution, after all this interference and a prolonged period of conflict?

There is no doubt that the behavior of the jihadist factions and their advocating the scene facing the regime "and this is what we call the counter-revolution" has given an image of the revolution that does not represent its peaceful reality and its demands to build a new Syria with a new social contract based on the principle of equal citizenship and democracy, in addition to the separation of religion from politics and the just distribution of wealth. With the failure of political bodies which claimed to represent the revolution and the opposition by preserving independence, but producing a populist discourse whose aim was to obtain legitimacy for it from the revolutionary street and not lead it with a political awareness that achieves the true interest of the revolution, with the critical political moment at the international level, in which new political axes and a struggle for influence are forming, in addition to the regime's refusal to respond to UN Resolution 2254 and playing with time to bypass the implementation of this resolution, with all these factors the ability at the present time appears to extract the dignity and freedom the revolution was aiming for all Syrians is difficult to achieve. After "death or humiliation" was said, unfortunately death and humiliation happened to many of our people, and after the slogan "Al-Assad (or) We Burn the Country," the country was burned not as a substitute for the fall of Assad, but with his remaining until now, and after the slogan "The Syrian People Are One" we find today three areas of influence and an attempt to perpetuate a divisive reality with much sectarian discourse.

The regime has succeeded, cunningly and strategically, by destroying the moral and ethical superiority of the image of the revolution, when it pushed towards armed conflict, so that all the hands of the conflicting parties became stained with blood. With the decline of the peaceful movement after the oppression of the regime, the situation became more complicated.

As for the question of what to do, it appears to be a difficult question for a fundamental reason, which is that most Syrians see that the playing cards are out of their hands and therefore most Syrians are waiting for the results of the bargaining between the major and regional powers regarding the Syrian issue. Although I see with this waiting a humiliating surrender, there must be cumulative action that leads to the production of a new façade for the revolution, changing the discourse on which opposition parties and the accompanying media have become accustomed to it and the need to open up to all groups of people and put forward a national and democratic vision that attracts all those affected by oppression, militarization, sectarianism, poverty and occupations, and work to get out of the reality of the transformation of all influential forces into tools to implement the interests of the intervening countries, then condemn all criminality and crimes of any party, pressure to release the detainees and explain the contents of the UN Resolution 2254, so that its provisions become basic demands because it is the real entrance to a democratic political transition that is necessary to build a new Syria that can be by holding criminals accountable, heal wounds, restore social cohesion, and build the future.

We also need a special awareness effort to explain the rights and duties of citizenship for no ruler in the future can reduce the state to himself, or dare to perpetuate his rule or claim to be the master of the homeland. This is an insult to the homeland because the people are the master, and the ruler is nothing but an employee of the people who is subject to a constitution that defines his duties and makes him responsible to the people and their representatives. Let us always remember that "absolute power is absolute corruption."

The reality of the Syrian Kurds must be viewed as part of the Syrian issue, and trust must be restored among the peaceful revolutionaries in all parts of Syria and between the Kurdish and Arab forces and other components that have control over the land in north and east Syria. Let us remember the Kurdish revolutionary movement that took place in 2004 without any support mentioned, and their participation in the 2011 revolution in its early stages, meaning that the reasons for their affiliation to democratic change are solid reasons upon which to build, so it is necessary to extend mutual hands because in the unity of the Syrian democratic forces and restoring trust among them, the key to the solution of all outstanding issues is found.

We must also work to provide as much support as possible to all Syrian families living below the poverty line throughout Syria, to preserve the dignity of the Syrians, as they are our brothers and our children regardless of any political difference among us. Countless things can be worked on but just waiting is a disaster.

As you know during the past ten years, art and culture, as well as other fields have been affected by what the country has witnessed. How do you evaluate the reality of art and culture in Syria at the present time?

The artistic reality is generally miserable despite individual illuminations here and there. There is no doubt that what happened has left the most impact on the artistic reality. The regime's institutions responsible for art and culture have turned into trumpets that support the regime's propaganda and its narratives, and the military shoe has become the title, painting, song and statue, and in the north, we hardly find an artistic or cultural production with a general trend of a closed religious character that is not welcoming to artistic and cultural activities, but we have to remember the wonderful compass that Kafr Nbul's signs provided for the revolution and the effort of many distinguished media professionals there. What cannot be forgotten is the neglect of art and culture by the political bodies representing the revolution and the opposition, as their negligence was blatant.

Regarding the artistic and cultural activity in the Syrian Jazirah and the north and east of Syria, I have not heard of distinctive activities that took place during these years, and they may be present, but with the absence of active media platforms, it may not be possible for news of these activities to reach us, so the artistic and cultural news of the refugees remains the most present despite the individual character and weak potential.

The areas of north and east Syria have witnessed a remarkable development in this aspect, "culture and art". What do you think about the attraction of cultures and the enjoyment of these areas with Kurdish, Arabic, Syriac, and other music?

I am happy to hear about any cultural and artistic achievements and interaction there, especially since the cultural repression of the Kurds and Syriacs and others was systematic and reflects a chauvinist trend that has prevailed there for a long time. I expressed my solidarity and my rejection of that repression and exclusion long ago.

D.H

ANHA