July 19 Uprising: From exclusion to power-sharing

For decades, Syrian components suffered from political and cultural marginalization and exclusion due to the dominance of a centralized system based on one-party rule and a singular identity. With the outbreak of the Syrian crisis in 2011, an alternative model emerged, aiming to rebuild society on new foundations. This was the Autonomous Administration project, founded on the principle of participatory democratic representation, seeking to involve all national and religious components in shaping decisions and destinies.

In this report, we explore how this system was established and how the concept of partnership evolved, shedding light on real experiences and testimonies from the three main components: Kurds, Arabs, and Assyrians, while also examining its impact on other Syrian components such as Yazidis, Druze, and Alawites.

How Was Autonomous Administration Established?

The July 19, 2012 revolution began in Kobani, with the participation of Kurds and other components, including Arabs and Assyrians, aiming to build a democratic administration as an alternative to the sectarian conflict that Syria witnessed during the revolution that started on March 15, 2011, and later militarized due to foreign interventions.

On September 8, 2013, the Rojava People's Council and the Kurdish National Council signed a nine-point agreement to launch the "transitional administration" project and held meetings with other components, including Arabs, Assyrians, Turkmen, Chechens, and Armenians, to agree on the project's structure.

The General Constituent Council for the joint transitional administration was announced on November 12, 2013, as a preparatory institution for launching Autonomous Administration. However, the Kurdish National Council withdrew one day before this announcement, but this did not affect the region's people's decision. The Democratic Autonomous Administration was officially declared on January 21, 2014, in Jazira Canton, followed by Afrin and Kobani in the same month.

With the liberation of Raqqa from ISIS mercenaries in October 2017, the number of administrations and civil administrations increased to seven: Jazira, Afrin, Euphrates, Manbij, Raqqa, Tabqa, and Deir ez-Zor. On July 16, 2018, the Syrian Democratic Council, at its third conference, recognized the need to form a unified administration. A preparatory committee of 70 members was formed on September 6, 2018, during which the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria was established with an organizational structure including the General Council, the Executive Council, and the Justice Council.

Autonomous Administration Project as an Alternative to Centralized Governance

The Autonomous Administration is based on the philosophy of the democratic nation, articulated by leader Abdullah Ocalan, particularly in his defense "Sociology of Freedom" and through meetings with his lawyers. He described democratic self-administration as not limited to Kurds but as the ideal model for resolving all Middle Eastern issues. He emphasized that the nation-state model does not align with the diverse nature of Middle Eastern societies.

The leader stressed that Autonomous Administration is not based on the concept of a single nation, geography, or religion but on the foundation of diverse peoples and societies rooted in democratic principles, transcending the mindset of the nation-state.

The leader adds: “In the Democratic Autonomous Administration system, the primary task is to facilitate the community’s will and its management. The society takes over the duties of the centralized state and manages itself autonomously. I say that the center hands over its responsibilities to the society.

Thus, the Autonomous Administration is a method of governance outside the framework of the state, where peoples and communities manage their affairs independently of the state’s cycle. It differs in essence and philosophy from the systematic model of autonomy, as the authority of autonomy in a specific region is an administrative system subordinate to the central government and takes shape within the state, not within society. The authority of autonomy itself represents the state in the region it governs, but democratic self-administration keeps itself outside the state and does not tie itself to the central government. It even seeks to meet societal needs and organize itself across all villages, neighborhoods, cities, and regions, aiming to weaken the state’s centralization and the mindset of statism to the point where the concept of a central government ceases to exist.

The Democratic Autonomous Administration emerges from within society, embraces the entire community, and is based on the will, demands, and needs of the society.

What Are Principles Adopted to Ensure Genuine Representation of Components?

Since its establishment, the Autonomous Administration has sought to build a new administrative model based on respect for pluralism and coexistence among all ethnic, religious, and social components. To achieve this, it adopted a set of principles ensuring fair representation for all segments of society, moving away from the exclusionary and marginalizing policies that prevailed previously.

The first of these principles is the concept of the democratic nation, which serves as the intellectual and political foundation of the Autonomous Administration. This concept emphasizes that every component of society—whether Kurdish, Arab, Assyrian, Armenian, Turkmen, or others—has the right to participate in managing the region’s affairs without imposing a single ethnic or religious identity on everyone.

To practically implement this principle, the Autonomous Administration adopted a co-presidency system in all its institutions, where a man and a woman from different components jointly lead councils and administrations. This not only ensures gender balance but also guarantees equal representation of ethnicities and prevents any single group from monopolizing power.

The Autonomous Administration also relied on forming councils and bodies in a participatory and representative manner, ensuring these institutions include representatives of all components based on their population size and geographic presence. Members are chosen either through elections or through agreements among people’s councils to ensure genuine representation, especially for previously marginalized minorities.

Additionally, the administration placed significant emphasis on language and culture, officially recognizing Kurdish, Arabic, and Syriac languages. These languages were adopted in schools, and media outlets were launched in each language, alongside encouraging free cultural and religious expression. This helped preserve each component’s identity and strengthen their sense of belonging.

The administrative system was built on a broad grassroots foundation through communes and people’s councils, which are grassroots structures managed by residents themselves in neighborhoods and villages. These allow direct participation in decision-making and monitoring the daily performance of services, ensuring that people’s voices are genuinely present in managing their affairs and strengthening trust between the community and the administration.

This representation extended to security and defense institutions, where members of all components participated in forming internal security forces (Asayish) and the Syrian Democratic Forces, fostering a spirit of solidarity and collective cooperation in defending the region against threats.

Live Testimonies

The testimonies of representatives from the components of NE Syria highlight how the Autonomous Administration has formed a comprehensive, participatory, and democratic model that reflects the will of all the region's peoples.

Overcoming Historical Marginalization

 From the Kurdish perspective, politician Farhan Daoud described the Kurds as “the true owners of the revolution” and “the cornerstone” in building the Autonomous Administration project. He emphasized their leading and distinguished role in protecting rights and promoting a comprehensive democratic system, which enabled them to overcome historical marginalization, transforming them into “project owners” and an “organized force” on the national level.

Unique and Distinct Democratic Experience

For the Arab component, Dr. Muhammad al-Darwish, the official spokesperson for the Syrian Homeland Party, described the Autonomous Administration as “a unique and distinct democratic experience” that promotes pluralism and diversity. He rejected labels such as “Kurdish administration,” stressing that it includes all components and is managed with a participatory spirit based on a democratic social contract, which serves as a comprehensive constitution that safeguards rights and ensures fair participation.

Promoting Political and Social Rights

From the Assyrian component, Susan Abdul Ahad, the member of the Syriac Union Party, spoke about the pioneering role of Assyrians in the revolution and the Autonomous Administration. She highlighted how the administration provided them a space to celebrate their national and cultural identity, such as the Akitu festival, and contributed to enhancing their political and social rights, which had been neglected for decades. This granted them a genuine presence and active participation across all levels.

Farouk Tuzo, the member of the Yazidi Union of Syria, described the July 19 revolution as a “revolution of construction and unification.” He affirmed that the Autonomous Administration established “equality” among components and provided a historic opportunity for smaller groups to assert themselves, eliminating practices of exclusion and political domination that were previously prevalent. He emphasized that the experience succeeded in creating a safe and stable environment that fosters unity and solidarity among all.

Thus, these testimonies reflect the reality of the Autonomous Administration as a comprehensive and participatory democratic model that promotes pluralism and supports the rights of all components through active participation based on justice and mutual respect. This makes it a unique experience in managing local affairs, far from centralization and monolithic nationalism.

Impact of Autonomous Administration Experience on Other Syrian Components

 The Autonomous Administration model brought about a fundamental shift in the political and social consciousness of Syrians, breaking the concepts of centralization that characterized Syria’s governance history for decades. This experience, founded on the values of social justice, cultural pluralism, and popular participation, provided a practical alternative amid the collapse of the central authority following the outbreak of the war, making it a subject of interest and appreciation for many Syrian components, including Alawites and Druze.

Journalist and activist Insaf Sulaitin, from the Alawite community, emphasized that the Autonomous Administration model “brought about a qualitative shift in the consciousness of all Syrians,” especially after proving that democracy is possible even amidst war and divisions. She confirmed that the experience, which began in Kobani and extended to Derik and Afrin, demonstrated its ability to build an integrated system for managing people’s affairs, relying on decentralization, self-protection, and community partnership, without engaging in direct conflict with state institutions.

Regarding the Alawites, Insaf Sulaitin noted that this community paid a heavy price due to the absence of justice and equal citizenship, experiencing violations and massacres on the Syrian coast amid a power vacuum. She pointed out that this reality prompted many to consider that if the Autonomous Administration model had been applied there, such disasters and violations could have been avoided, especially since the model was not built on confrontation with the state but on combating terrorism and ISIS.

Insaf Sulaitin also highlighted the role of women in this model, which she described as a source of inspiration, particularly for the Alawite community, known for its relative openness and the active role of women within it. The equal participation and full involvement of women in administration and politics within the Autonomous Administration provide an inspiring model that can be adapted to the specifics of the Syrian coast, which is not limited to one component but encompasses a diversity similar to that of northern and eastern Syria.

She added: “The Alawites and other components are now looking with great interest at this experience to envision a future from which they can draw significant inspiration, building together a future that excludes no one and is not founded on the blood of others or authoritarianism, without falling into the trap of revenge, retaliation, or reactive actions.” She noted: “Building on the inspiration of the Autonomous Administration experience, alongside Syrian-Syrian dialogue, could be the hallmark of a phase where rights are not granted from above but are secured through partnership and dialogue.”

She concluded by saying: “This experience demonstrates that when the people have decision-making power, they can build more just models. Syrians, with all their components, deserve a system that sees them as equal in rights and duties, not as fuel or tools for conflicts.”

The democratic Autonomous Administration is almost the only model that has overcome the traditional mindset of exclusion in Syria, establishing a participatory democratic model based on diversity and mutual recognition. At a time when Syria remains mired in chaos, this project offers a glimmer of hope and a path toward building a pluralistic, decentralized Syria.

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ANHA