PDK poses threat to Kurdistan

Some members of the Barzani family control the affairs of the KDP, since its founding on August 16, 1946, under the leadership of Mullah Mustafa Barzani.

While preparing for the declaration of the Republic of Muhabad, Mullah Mustafa Barzani, accompanied by members of his family, headed to Eastern Kurdistan (Iran-Kurdish-inhabited regions) in November 1945, and Qazi Muhammad included them in the military forces, trained them, and provided them with modern weapons, and prior to the Iranian attack on the Republic of Mahabad on 17 December 1946, Iran coordinated with Mustafa Barzani, who was chief of staff and the Barzani family had three thousand modern rifles and one hundred and twenty machine guns and field guns, to eliminate the republic.

Researcher Abdullah Shikaki says in a research published by the Furat Center for Studies, that "on December 22, 1946, a meeting took place between Mullah Mustafa Barzani and the Iranian general "Humayoni" who was leading the army against Muhabad, and in the meeting Barzani wrote a "message of loyalty to the Iranian army in Arabic." We deduce from this that the Iranian leadership had a prior agreement with Barzani."

After the elimination of the Muhabad, Barzani headed to the Soviet Union until the Iraqi President Abdul Karim Qasim summoned him, when the talks began about giving the Kurds some national rights, but they failed, and an armed conflict began, as Abdul Karim Qasim launched an attack against the party strongholds. The Kurdistan Democratic Party in 1961, and the armed conflict continued until 1970, and a temporary truce was reached, and Barzani participated in the Kurdish Autonomy Agreement in 1970, but these talks failed and the conflict began again in 1974.

'One tank can destroy your areas'

This was preceded in 1973 by the implementation of the Arab belt ( a line of Arab villages in the kurds area in Rojava ( northeast of Syria where kurds live), and at that time a delegation of Kurdish politicians visited Southern Kurdistan (Başûr) which included Muhammad Sheikh Baki, Elias Ramo and others. According to the Kurdish Studies Journal issued by the Rojava Center for Strategic Studies, the Rojava delegation met with Mullah Mustafa Barzani, but at that time the situation of Barzani and the Kurdish revolution was critical, because the Iraqi government did not implement the terms of the March 11 Autonomy Agreement. Therefore, Barzani advised Rojava politicians not to resist the “Arab belt” project and urged them to reach an understanding with the Syrian government and Hafez al-Assad in a friendly and peaceful manner, and provided them with a message addressed to Musa al-Sadr, Secretary-General of the Lebanese Hezbollah at the time, asking him to intervene with Hafez al-Assad to stop the Arab Belt project in the Kurdish areas.

Jamal Sheikh Baki said about Mullah Mustafa Barzani’s response to the delegation, regarding the Arab belt project: “We are in Iraqi Kurdistan, and although we have more than one hundred thousand peshmerga and fortified mountains, the Arabization project in Kirkuk is progressing in full swing.” And you are in your plain areas in Syria (Rojava) a single tank of the Syrian army can destroy your areas from Dêrik to Serêkaniyê in one go, without running out of its fuel, so it is better for you to agree with your government.”

Barzani and the Algiers Agreement

Barzani agreed with the Iranian Shah against Qazi Muhammad, but the Shah turned against Barzani by signing the Algiers Agreement in 1975 with Saddam Hussein, under the auspices of Algerian President Houari Boumediene, and with American blessing and in the presence of Henry Kissinger, as the agreement included the Shah cutting off supplies from Barzani.

Sami Abdel Rahman says in a book on assessing the march and collapse of the Kurdish revolution: “When the Shah informed Barzani that the Algiers Agreement obligates him to cut aid to the Kurdish revolution, Barzani replied (We are your people and as long as the Algiers Agreement secures the interests of Iran, which is our motherland). We also have nothing against it. We are at your command; if you tell us to die we shall die or live, we have been faithful to you and we shall remain so in the future too.”

After the Algiers Agreement, the KDP announced the cessation of the armed struggle, known as (Ash Batal). Until 1975, the party assassinated everyone who stood in its way of its policies, such as the suppression of the Shawaf uprising in Mosul, and liquidation of many Islamic religion scholars and the Mosul Islamic and national figures in order to sow hatred between the Kurds and the people of Mosul in 1959, and the assassination of Sheikh Siddiq Miran, the leader of the Khoshnaw clans, and the killing of Sheikh Ahmed al-Zibari, brother of Mahmoud al-Zibari, head of the al-Zibari clan, and Hoshyar Zebari’s uncle in 1960.

Barzani killed 5 Aghas of the Barwari Bala clan in 1963, and Asaad Khoshbi, who was the official of Bahdinan district and one of the Aghas of Amadiyah city, was killed in 1966 because his son Sedqi joined the Jalal Talabani party, and Teli Kurdi al-Duski, a notable of al-Duski clan, was killed in the same year.

In 1966, Ali Hamdi and Mahmoud Haj Tawfiq, who were supervising the operations and activities of the fourth branch of the Democratic Party, the dissident wing of the Political Bureau, were killed. Barzani handed over between 1967-1968 leaders in the Revolutionary Committee of the Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iran Suleiman Moini (Fayeq Amin) and Khalil Shubash , Ismail Sharifzadeh, Abdullah Moeini, Mulla Awarah (Mullah Ahmad Ibn Mullah Muhammad Amin Hammond), Mulla Rahim Warti (Mirza Ahmad), and Salih Lajani to the Iranian National Intelligence and Security Organization (SAVAK).

In 1971, the Democratic Party, with direct instructions from the Turkish intelligence, liquidated the two general secretaries of the Kurdistan Democratic Party in Turkey, Saeed Al-Ji and Dr. Shivan.

'After 1975'

After the death of Mustafa Barzani in 1979, Masoud Barzani took over the leadership of the party, which continued the party's approach to suppressing all its opponents and Kurdish parties. The party mounted Iranian tanks between 1980 and 1982 against the martyr Qassemlo (KDP - Iran). And Turkish tanks after the formation of the Parliament of Southern Kurdistan in 1992, whose first decision was to fight the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and Saddam Hussein’s tanks against the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan in 1996, which caused the killing of 25,000 Kurds and the displacement of 75,000 Kurds to Iran.

The politics of the KDP did not stop here. In 1997, the KDP launched an attack on a hospital in Hewlêr, where PKK fighters were treated, and more than 100 fighters were martyred at their hands; no one even knows where their graves are.

The first military operation of the Turkish occupation army against the PKK in Başûr Kurdistan, on May 25, 1983, was carried out in coordination with the KDP. The party also participated alongside Turkey on August 5, 1991, under the leadership of the General Dogan Gorsh, in the attack launched by the Turkish army on the Kharkiv region in October 1992, the attack of March 21, 1995, and May of the same year, the April 1996 attack, the January 1997 attack, May 1997, and July 1997. ...and until now.

It is noteworthy that the Turkish intelligence fully penetrated Başûr Kurdistan with the knowledge of the KDP at the beginning of 2003, in addition to the establishment of dozens of military and intelligence bases in Başûr Kurdistan, starting from the Khabur border gate and to the east through Batova, Bamarna, Amde, Dera Luk and Shiladze, The party also concluded commercial agreements, including the agreement concluded in 2013, which was known as the "Fifty-Year Oil Agreement" and was revealed by Nechirvan Barzani, who was Prime Minister of the Kurdistan Regional Government in June of 2014.

The KDP's complicity with the enemies of the Kurdish people did not stop there, and this was clearly visible during the attacks of ISIS mercenaries on August 3, 2014 on the district of Şingal, where the Yazidi community was left without any protection, which led to horrific massacres and had it not been for the intervention of the Peoples' Defense Forces and the People’s Protection Units, the Yazidi community in Şingal would have been annihilated. Despite all this, the party concluded on October 9, 2020 an agreement with the Iraqi government under Turkish sponsorship over Şingal, with the aim of blowing up its self-administration that was formed after great sacrifices.

The Kurdistan Democratic Party not only withdrew from Şingal, but also withdrew on August 17, 2014 from the vicinity of Maxmur camp during ISIS attacks. The camp’s residents and the Popular Defense Forces defended the camp, and formed a dam in front of ISIS’s arrival to the city of Hewlêr, and following the resistance that was made, the direction of Masoud Barzani, who He was the president of the Kurdistan region to the fighters of the Popular Defense Forces and thanked them for their sacrifices in defense of the region, and then the reward was the besieging of the camp by the Democratic Party in June 2019, which is still continuing until now.  

Recently, the KDP actively participated in the Turkish attack on the Kurdistan Freedom Movement on June 16, 2020, but in a different way to besiege the PDF in the legitimate defense areas, and brought in its own forces as "Hiza Gulan " And the mercenaries of Roj, to Zina, Wati, Gari and the Medya regions.

'Turkey and the KDP have common goals'

The Kurdistan Communities Unions have called on the Democratic Party, several times, not to be drawn into Turkish schemes aimed at eliminating the Kurdish cause, the last of which was on January 27 by the co-chair of the leadership body of the Kurdistan Communities Unions, Jamil Bayik, who said in an interview with Stêrk Tv,: "We ask the leaders of the Kurdistan Democratic Party to promise not to be drawn into the schemes of the enemies of the Kurds for the Turkish state. The party should not contribute to facilitating Turkey's implementation of the policy of extermination of the Kurdish people."

The policies of the KDP directly affected the situation of the Kurdistan region, in terms of living, service and education, and dozens of demonstrations took place last year against the policy of the party that controls the reins of government in Başûr.

The head of the New Generation Movement, Shaswar Abdul Wahed, indicated in a statement on January 29 that “when the uneducated rule, he tries with all his capabilities to make the people like him, what the Baath party did not do in his time, the ruling family is doing it now, and for the first time in the history of this The region becomes a government that rules the Kurds and it is thieves, bad, neglectful, and ugly in this way.”

One of the last chapters of the KDP, it brought forces and equipment to the areas where the Popular Defense Forces are located, and issued the KCK on June 6. A statement to public opinion, in which she explained that the KDP is trying to save the Turkish occupation from defeat, and that the goals of the Turkish occupation and the KDP have become one.

 'Actions belie words'

The aforementioned are some of the stages in the history of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, which claims in its goals at the national level that it seeks to “close relations of brotherhood, solidarity and cooperation with other parties, democratic and peaceful organizations and Kurdish communities to achieve legitimate national goals by peaceful means, and to spread the culture of dialogue and tolerance within the Kurdish house and the prohibition of asylum To the force...!.

If these are his goals, observers wonder: Why does the Democrat dig trenches and establish barricades and outposts along the border strip between Rojava and Başûr? Why are the party's special forces being sent to the areas of the legitimate right of defense to obstruct the movements of the Peoples Defense Forces who have been defending Başûr Kurdistan and repelling the attacks of the Turkish occupation for years?

One of its goals is also to return all the areas deducted from the Kurdistan region in accordance with the mechanisms contained in Article 140 of the Federal Constitution of Iraq, and to establish the region's borders on this basis...

Here, observers raise the question: Why was Kirkuk abandoned and was not defended after the referendum conducted by the party, during the entry of the Iraqi army and the Popular Mobilization, and why an agreement was concluded with the Baghdad government regarding Şingal recently? And why is the Kurdistan Democratic Party cooperating with the Turkish occupation state to occupy Başûr Kurdistan?

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