Alawites in Syria – 2

The Alawite Transformations in Syria During the 20th Century

 The 20th century saw a major shift in the status of the Alawites in Syria. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the onset of the French mandate, the French began to reinforce the role of minorities, including the Alawites, as part of a "divide and rule" strategy. Many Alawites were recruited into the French army, providing them with opportunities for social and political advancement.

 Of course, they were never a monolithic political group. After the French occupation of Syria, Sheikh Saleh al-Ali emerged as one of the prominent anti-colonial leaders, engaging in fierce battles against the French army. A charismatic local leader with the ability to rally people around him, he led an armed revolt against the French from 1919 to 1921, one of the most significant resistance movements in Syria during the French mandate, making him a symbol of national resistance. His strategy relied on guerrilla warfare, launching surprise attacks on French forces before retreating into the mountains.

 Sheikh Saleh al-Ali was not fighting solely for his sect; his resistance was viewed as part of a broader Syrian national struggle. He sought to unite various sects and components of Syria under one banner to resist the French occupation. He collaborated with other leaders such as Ibrahim Hannano in the north and Sultan al-Atrash in Jabal al-Druze, reflecting his inclusive national vision.

 Although his military successes, the resistance could not withstand the superior French military power. In 1921, Sheikh Saleh al-Ali was forced to surrender after being surrounded by French forces in the mountains of Latakia. However, he was neither executed nor imprisoned; instead, he was exiled to Deir ez-Zor, a remote region. The purpose of his exile was to distance him from his popular and military base, preventing him from continuing his resistance against the French occupation.

 As for why he was not imprisoned, there are several reasons that may explain this decision. The French feared that imprisoning or executing him would inflame public anger, especially among the Alawites and the people of the Latakia mountains. Such an action would likely have reignited widespread resistance against the French. Therefore, they preferred to exile him as a less risky solution.

 Sheikh Saleh al-Ali lived in Deir ez-Zor away from the spotlight and did not return to political or military activity. He passed away in 1950, leaving behind a significant national legacy as a symbol of resistance against colonialism.

 Post-Independence and the Rise of the Alawites in Power

 After Syria's independence, the political life in the country was marked by a struggle between Sunni urban elites. However, the 1963 coup led by the Ba'ath Party gave the Alawites a foothold in power. This was not due to sectarian consensus, but rather because of their increasing influence within the military, where Alawite officers formed the backbone of the coup.

 The decisive moment came in 1970 when Hafez al-Assad, an Alawite, staged a coup against his Ba'athist comrades, seizing power with an iron grip. His rise was not merely a personal victory, but a pivotal moment in the history of the Alawites, elevating them from the margins of history to the heart of the deep state.

 The Alawites During the Reign of Hafez al-Assad and His Son Bashar al-Assad

 With the ascension of Hafez al-Assad to power in 1970, the Alawite community found itself at the center of authority. Assad established an authoritarian regime that relied heavily on sectarian loyalty, with Alawites controlling military and security institutions.

 Although Hafez al-Assad’s regime depended significantly on the Alawite community within military and security institutions, it was not a purely sectarian system relying exclusively on Alawites. Assad understood the importance of power balance and the necessity of involving other sects in the system to maintain stability and legitimacy. He thus incorporated Sunnis, the majority group in Syria, into the system by appointing them to political (such as Abd al-Halim Khaddam and Farouk al-Sharaa), military (such as Mustafa Tlas), and ministerial positions (such as Mahmoud al-Ayubi, Abdul Rahman Khalifaoui, Mohammad Ali al-Halabi, and Mahmoud al-Zoubi). They also had a presence in the parliament and major government institutions.

 This situation continued under the rule of Bashar al-Assad, who took power in 2000 following his father’s death. The legacy he inherited was heavy, as he lacked his father’s charisma and experience in managing alliances, which made him more reliant on security forces, which were largely controlled by Alawites. Less than two years into his rule, he demonstrated that he was no different from his father in terms of ruthlessness, suppressing and punishing any opposition that posed a threat to him. He met any dissent with brutality, imprisoning his critics, including Alawites, thereby confirming that repression and intimidation remained the foundation of his rule.

 Poverty and the Alawite Involvement in the Military and Security

 Despite the significant involvement of the Alawites in military and security institutions, the vast majority of them continued to live in poverty and deprivation. The coastal mountains were home to communities living in simple agricultural conditions, with weak infrastructure and limited education. Young people in the community had two choices: emigrate to the cities for marginal jobs or join the military and security forces in search of stability.

 The Alawites’ Political Stance and Imprisonment

 Not all Alawites in Syria supported the Assad regime. Many paid the price for their political opposition by being imprisoned. Among these dissenters was a left-wing Alawite current, represented by groups such as the Communist Workers’ League and other communist factions that split from the Syrian Communist Party. During the 1970s and 1980s, these groups aligned with the opposition, criticizing the regime's authoritarian policies, but Assad’s iron-fisted security apparatus left them little room for expression. Syrian prisons, especially the infamous Tadmur Prison, became overcrowded with political prisoners from all sects, including Alawites who dared to criticize the regime. These dissidents were subjected to torture and long periods of imprisonment, paying a heavy price for refusing to be mere instruments in the repressive machine of the regime.

 This brutal repression left deep scars on the Alawite community as a whole. On one hand, it reinforced fear of arrest and torture, leading many to express blind loyalty to the regime and remain silent to avoid the tragic fate of the opposition. On the other hand, it created internal divisions within the Alawite community between those who blindly supported the regime and those who rejected being complicit in the machine of repression and persecution.

 a.k

ANHA