Foreign mercenaries in Syria: Efforts for naturalization,  integration amid significant risks

The debate intensified after the transitional government in Syria granted high-ranking military titles to several foreign fighters, sparking widespread questions about the implications of these decisions for the future of the mercenary file in Syria.

Although the phenomenon of foreign fighters is not new to the Syrian conflict, it has taken on new dimensions since Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and its allied factions gained dominance following the fall of the Assad regime on December 8, 2024. HTS granted unprecedented privileges to foreign fighters in its ranks.

Who are these mercenaries?

Most foreign fighters came to Syria in the early years of the crisis, responding to calls from ISIS, which at the time sought to establish its so-called “caliphate.” After ISIS was territorially defeated, many of these fighters joined HTS, while others formed smaller local groups that operate under its umbrella.

The fighters come from diverse national backgrounds, including:

Uyghurs (Turkistan) from China – one of the largest groups, mostly aligned with HTS.

Chechens – commanders and fighters from Russia.

Arabs – from the Gulf, Jordan, Egypt, Tunisia, and Morocco. Many later returned to their home countries.

Europeans – from France, Britain, and Germany; their numbers remain very small.

Others – including fighters from Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkey, and Albania, alongside smaller groups from additional countries.

Numbers and areas of deployment

It remains difficult to determine the exact number of foreign mercenaries who have fought under HTS. Estimates range between 1,500 and 6,000, with experts suggesting the real figure falls somewhere within this range. Reports indicate that foreign fighters make up nearly 30% of HTS’s total force—a statistic publicly acknowledged in 2015 by the group’s leader, Ahmad al-Sharaa (better known as Abu Mohammad al-Jolani). He noted the presence of Europeans and a small number of Americans, alongside large contingents of Asians, Chechens, Russians, and Arabs.

After the collapse of the Baathist regime, the fighters expanded their reach beyond Idlib and Aleppo into new territories across Syria. They established strongholds in the countryside of Jableh near Latakia, in scattered areas across Latakia, near the village of al-Hamidiyah south of Tartus, as well as around Damascus, Homs, and Hama.

Many of these groups have taken over former bases of the Baathist army’s brigades and battalions, and they have been linked to a series of violations, including provocations, killings, kidnappings, and looting. Their entrenched presence in Idlib and Aleppo continues to pose significant risks for Syria’s fragile security landscape.

Recruitment from Every Corner of the World: Turkey as the Gateway

Previously, Turkey played a prominent role in recruiting and facilitating foreign mercenaries, including ISIS fighters and leaders of Jabhat al-Nusra (now HTS). Turkish authorities reportedly opened their borders to the influx of thousands via airports and seaports, turning the country into a major transit hub to Syria—a trend documented in numerous reports and confirmed by statements from foreign fighters themselves.

There is substantial evidence of Turkey’s involvement, including passports stamped for exit from Turkish borders toward Syria, now in the possession of the Syrian Democratic Forces, revealing the facilitation of these fighters’ movement. Experts indicate these mercenaries did not travel alone but through complex recruitment and intelligence networks in Turkey. Their role was dual: an active military force and an instrument of demographic change, particularly along the Syrian coast. They also established bases in rugged mountainous areas, providing safe havens and launching points to other countries via the sea.

Following the establishment of the transitional government’s Ministry of Defense after the fall of the Baathist regime, these foreign fighters were integrated into newly formed military units within the Syrian army, including:

Islamic Party of Turkestan: led by Abu Muhammad al-Turkestani, ~2,500 fighters.

Ansar al-Tawhid: led by Abu Diab Sarmayn, ~200 fighters.

Ajnad al-Qawqaz: led by Muslim al-Chechen, ~250 fighters.

Chechens (Ajnad al-Sham): led by Abu Abdul Malik al-Chechen, ~300 fighters.

Dangerous Government Moves for Syria’s Future

The transitional government has institutionalized the presence of foreign mercenaries by granting them official roles in senior leadership, enabling them to exercise both military and political authority. They are increasingly relied upon to oversee state functions and participate in reshaping Syrian society.

HTS has also moved toward naturalizing foreign fighters. On December 18, 2024, HTS leader Ahmad al-Sharaa declared that “foreign fighters who contributed to the fall of Assad deserve reward and recognition,” adding that their integration into Syrian society is feasible under naturalization policies similar to those for long-term residents.

Consequently, the transitional government is expected to accelerate the naturalization process for committed foreign fighters, especially those showing loyalty within HTS and other factions. High-ranking military positions have already been granted to six prominent foreign leaders, including three colonels and three brigadiers. Among them are:

Abdul Samriz Yashari (Albanian origin, “Abu Qatada al-Albani”)

Alaa Muhammad Abdul Baqi (Egyptian)

Abdulaziz Dawood Khodabardi (Uyghur, Brigadier)

Moalan Tursun Abdul Samad (Colonel)

Abdul Salam Yassin Ahmad (Colonel)

Additionally, the Ministry of Defense reportedly plans to form a special unit for Uyghur mercenaries wishing to remain, tentatively named “Unit 84”, operating in northern Syria.

Former U.S. envoy to Syria, Thomas Barrack, stated that the United States approved the transitional government’s plan to allow thousands of foreign fighters to join the National Army, provided the process remains transparent.

Syria Faces Widespread Debate Over Naturalization of Foreign Mercenaries

The issue of granting Syrian citizenship to foreign mercenaries has sparked intense debate across Syria, after a number of these fighters submitted official petitions requesting naturalization. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reported that the process has been ongoing for the past two months, with an estimated 30 to 50 individuals being naturalized daily.

This move has alarmed many Syrians who have endured years of extremism, as it risks reshaping Syrian identity along sectarian or ideological lines rather than on the basis of citizenship.

Reports indicate that some foreign mercenaries with extremist religious tendencies have recently been involved in acts of violence against local communities, particularly in the coastal regions and in Sweida. They have been accused of attempting to impose social restrictions, such as monitoring women’s dress and regulating civilian behavior in Syrian cities.

A major concern is that ISIS-aligned fighters are attempting to recruit these foreign mercenaries to rebuild what they call the “Caliphate.” Experts warn that if successful, this could revive armed conflict and instability, effectively recycling chaos in Syria. Observers note that thousands of mercenaries are likely to join these extremist groups, as they remain highly capable of attracting radicalized individuals.

a.k

ANHA