Kurdish land rights take center stage in Syria integration talks

The issue of Kurdish land ownership has emerged as a key topic in the integration process, as the conditions of those affected by the “Exceptional Census” and the “Arab Belt Project” are being discussed within meetings of the integration committees linked to the January 29 agreement. Sources indicate that restoring rights is considered part of the ongoing understandings, while the official body or mechanism responsible for handling these claims has not yet been determined.

Kurdish land rights take center stage in Syria integration talks
12 May, 2026   06:45
NEWS DESK 

Special sources told ANHA Agency that the joint integration committees tasked with following up on the implementation of the January 29 agreement between the Syrian Democratic Forces and Syria’s interim government authority have held a series of meetings in recent weeks devoted to discussing rights-related files tied to the restoration of property and redress for Syrian Kurds, particularly the repercussions of the “Arab Belt Project” and the policies stemming from the 1962 “Exceptional Census.”

According to the sources, the meetings discussed mechanisms for abolishing the legal and administrative consequences of the “Arab Belt Project,” which was implemented during the 1970s in areas of northern and northeastern Syria. The project resulted in the confiscation of vast agricultural lands and unequal demographic resettlement policies. Discussions also focused on ways to restore confiscated lands to their original owners or provide fair compensation through legal mechanisms currently being drafted.

The sources stressed that all participating parties agreed that the issue of rights and property must be addressed within a clear legal and administrative framework. However, discussions have not yet settled on the final structure of the body that will receive applications or the mechanism through which ownership documents and evidence of damages will be submitted by those affected.

In this context, the relevant authority within Syria’s interim government reportedly clarified during the meetings that restoring rights would require Kurdish citizens to submit official individual applications along with proof of ownership or evidence of damages incurred. It also called on the integration committees affiliated with the Syrian Democratic Forces and the Autonomous Administration to guide citizens through the required procedures in order to organize the process gradually.

Available information indicates that this direction effectively opens the door for affected Kurdish citizens to submit applications to recover their properties or document their legal rights, amid ongoing discussions among the parties over the executive framework that will be adopted to address these files.

Earlier this year, Presidential Decree No. 13 was issued by Ahmed al-Sharaa, addressing part of the repercussions of the 1962 Exceptional Census in Hasakah province. The decree stipulated the cancellation of the exceptional measures resulting from the census and the restoration of Syrian citizenship to Kurdish-origin citizens who had previously been deprived of it, including the category known as “Maktoumeen al-Qayd” (unregistered persons), while affirming the principle of full equality in civil rights and duties.

The decree also affirmed recognition of Syria’s various communities within the framework of national identity and described addressing the consequences of the Exceptional Census as a step toward correcting legal conditions that had accumulated over decades. However, according to legal observers, the decree was limited to addressing the citizenship issue and did not directly tackle the question of restoring confiscated properties or financial compensation for previous damages.

Meanwhile, parties involved in the integration committee discussions maintain that the purpose of opening this file is to reach a gradual legal settlement that preserves the rights of all sides and lays the foundation for a new phase of legal and social stability through clear mechanisms for filing applications, documenting ownership, and resolving disputes within institutional frameworks.

While discussions continue over the executive details, the opening of applications is being viewed as a first step toward addressing one of the most complex issues within the Kurdish rights file in Syria, as attention turns to the outcomes of upcoming meetings expected to determine the final legal mechanism for implementation.

What Have the Kurds Demanded Since the Launch of the Project Until Today Following the Fall of the Baathist Regime?

Since the fall of the Baathist regime in late 2024, Kurdish demands have included: “Legally and administratively abolishing the consequences of the Arab Belt Project; returning confiscated lands to their original owners or fairly compensating them; resolving the issue of the ‘Ghamr’ settlers in a way that does not create new injustices through a fair, non-retaliatory solution; restoring recognition of the region’s genuine demographic history; guaranteeing Kurdish national rights in the new Syrian constitution; recognizing the Kurdish language and identity as a fundamental partner in Syria; and adopting a system of governance that guarantees decentralization or a form of self-administration that preserves the rights of all communities.”

What Is the Arab Belt Project?

The “Arab Belt” is regarded as one of the most prominent political-demographic projects implemented in Syria during the 1970s, as part of state policies in the northern and northeastern regions, particularly along the border strip with Turkey. In political and human rights literature, the project is associated with attempts to reshape the demographic structure of historically Kurdish-majority areas through sweeping changes in patterns of land ownership and settlement.

According to historical accounts and descriptions, the project was based on establishing an Arab-populated belt along the northern border by settling Arab families in villages and areas with Kurdish majorities, alongside measures targeting the agricultural properties of local residents and restricting their urban and economic expansion.

These policies were mainly implemented between 1973 and 1976 during the rule of the late President Hafez al-Assad, under the supervision of state administrative and security institutions.

The project was carried out through the confiscation of vast agricultural lands belonging to local residents and the establishment of new villages later known as “Ghamr villages” or “model villages,” in addition to relocating and settling Arab families from various regions, particularly Raqqa, Aleppo, and surrounding areas, while granting them land and housing and agricultural privileges.

These measures were also accompanied by restrictions on property registration and urban expansion in certain Kurdish-majority areas.

According to Kurdish and rights groups, these policies led to profound changes in the region’s demographic and economic structure, including the loss of agricultural lands and livelihoods for thousands of Kurdish families, the creation of social imbalances as a result of demographic change, and the accumulation of feelings of discrimination and marginalization among affected residents, with the repercussions of these policies extending for decades afterward.

In the political context, Kurds view the “Arab Belt” as part of a broader series of policies that also included measures such as the 1962 Exceptional Census in al-Hasakah province, which resulted in thousands of Kurds being stripped of Syrian citizenship.

They believe these measures collectively established a reality of legal, social, and economic marginalization in their regions.

Who Are the “Ghamr” Settlers?

In northern and northeastern Syria, the term “Ghamr” refers to Arab families who were settled in Kurdish-majority areas, particularly in al-Hasakah province, during the Baath Party era. They were brought from Raqqa, al-Tabqa, Deir ez-Zor, and rural Aleppo through settlement and housing projects linked to what later became known as the “Arab Belt.”

In many cases, these families did not relocate purely through individual choice, but rather within the framework of official administrative decisions and state procedures. According to the policies of the time, these measures aimed to strengthen security control over the border strip with Turkey and reshape the demographic structure of strategically and agriculturally sensitive regions.

The issue has since remained the subject of broad political and social controversy among local communities, amid warnings that it could fuel internal conflict between Kurds and Arabs.

ANHA