Alawites in Syria - 3

The Alawites and the 2011 Revolution: The Fall of Bashar al-Assad and the Fate

When the popular uprising in Syria erupted in 2011, the Alawites found themselves facing a severe existential dilemma: either stand by the regime that had provided them with protection and influence for decades, or align with the street's demands for freedom and justice. In the end, the majority of Alawites chose to support al-Assad regime, driven by a deep fear that the regime's fall would expose them to persecution by the Sunni majority, especially in light of the rising sectarian rhetoric and the arrival of extremist Islamic groups from various countries, forming Takfiri organizations like Jabhet al-Nusra and ISIS/ Daesh, which committed sectarian atrocities in the areas they controlled.

Bashar al-Assad skillfully exploited this fear, painting a grim picture for the Alawites about their future in the event of his regime's fall. He presented them with two options: either remain under his relatively safe but oppressive rule, or face an uncertain fate with the victory of extremist Islamic groups and the potential sectarian violations that could accompany it.

As a result, the majority of the Alawites chose to stand by his side, even if it meant paying a heavy price in blood and lives, as tens of thousands of them fell dead, wounded, or disfigured during the years of war.

However, the Alawite position on the regime was not entirely unified. A limited number of Alawite opposition voices emerged, calling for change and criticizing Assad's policies. However, these voices remained marginal due to fear of the regime's severe repression of any form of opposition, rendering them unable to significantly influence the course of events.

Until the fall of Bashar al-Assad

On the morning of December 8, 2024, Bashar al-Assad's regime fell at the hands of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham and its allies, with regional and international support and planning, in an event that astonished the world with its astonishing speed. In just 11 days, the group managed to reach the capital, Damascus, forcing Bashar al-Assad to flee to Moscow. Ahmad al-Shara (Abu Muhammad al-Julani) took control, sitting on the throne of the presidential palace, announcing the beginning of a new era.

At first, the fall of the regime was met with widespread popular support, even from members of the Alawite community who showed unprecedented joy and jubilation, considering that they had finally rid themselves of decades of oppression. Many declared their loyalty to the new era, hoping for a dawn of freedom and justice. But their joy did not last long.

The Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham quickly began forming a one-color transitional government and issued a series of radical decisions, such as dissolving the army and police, suspending the constitution, dissolving political parties, dismissing employees, and seizing homes without justification.

Systematic sectarian practices against the Alawites also began, starting with the assault on a religious shrine belonging to them in the city of Aleppo, and culminating in the horrific massacres that occurred on the Syrian coast between March 6 and 10, 2025. These massacres claimed the lives of thousands of men and children, in addition to women, in bloody events that shook the human conscience.

Thus, the hopes of the Alawites for liberation from tyranny turned into a new nightmare of oppression and persecution, making their future more uncertain and painful.

The future of the Alawites is linked to building a society that recognizes diversity.

The Alawites in Syria represent a community that has suffered for decades from marginalization and persecution, but over time they have become a central player in the modern Syrian political scene, especially after Hafez al-Assad came to power in 1970. However, the future of the Alawites, as part of the Syrian social fabric, largely depends on Syria's ability to achieve a genuine and comprehensive national reconciliation. This reconciliation must go beyond sectarian rhetoric and work towards building a state based on secularism, that is, on the principles of equal citizenship and social justice, where all sects and components can live in peace and security, without fear of persecution or revenge.

But achieving this reconciliation will not be easy, especially in light of the heavy legacy of blood and hatred left by the civil war. It requires genuine political will from all parties, in addition to international and regional support that prioritizes the interests of the Syrian people above any other considerations.

In the end, the future of the Alawites, like the future of all Syrians, is tied to the country's ability to overcome its bloody past and build a future that recognizes diversity as a strength, not a cause for division. Only through justice and equality can Syria emerge from the cycle of violence and ensure a safe and stable future for its coming generations.

T/S

ANHA